The seventh edition in was held in Nairobi, Kenya, and saw over 1, participating organizations from countries, making it the most globally representative WSF so far. A very important principle that characterizes the WSF and the antiglobalization movement is that the WSF is a plural, diversified, nonconfessional, nongovernmental, and nonparty context that, in a decentralized fashion, interrelates organizations and movements engaged in concrete action at levels from the local to the international.
The Antiglobalization Critique Antiglobalization is of course a reaction to globalization, a concept that gradually came to the front of economic and political analysis after it was first used in The Economist in It took the oil crises of the s, the growth of foreign direct investments during the s, and the fall of the Soviet Union in before the idea of globalization broke through.
However, the antiglobalization movement believes that this conceptualization is a deceitful one as many people do not have equal access to markets or infrastructure both in terms of transportation and communication , while probably even more artificial barriers against the movement of people are being put up than broken down.
Hence, the idea of globalization rests on the false premise of a closer integration of the peoples of the world. A much-referred to person in this respect is Nobel Prize—winning economist Robert Stiglitz, who criticized the way in which the International Monetary Fund IMF and World Bank mismanage global development and the financial infrastructure because they primarily serve American and European political, commercial, and financial interests.
The targets for the antiglobalization movement are the major private and public institutions that dominate the global economy. Protests are generally organized around international political meetings by associations such as the WTO or the European Union. Global business is also attacked for hijacking the development of human societies. Building on this critique, the antiglobalization movement believes that beneath the globalization rhetoric is an assumption that globalization is an anonymous and unstoppable force of nature.
This implies that peoples and countries have little choice but to accommodate to the new globalizing condition. To succeed, countries must implement so-called neoliberal policies of privatization, trade liberalization, and business deregulation, while maintaining a low rate of inflation, balanced state budgets, and a small-sized government.
Meanwhile the state is giving up on the wishes of its citizens for full employment, respectable wages, and decent ecological and other living standards.
Contrary to this, the antiglobalization movement believes that globalization is a process that is instigated, driven, and determined by political decisions. Common opinion is that the golden straightjacket was first put on during the s by Ronald Reagan in the United States and Margaret Thatcher in Great Britain.
By stressing the political agency behind globalization, the movement holds political power accountable for the social, economic, and ecological deficits that the politicians themselves ascribe to globalization. Antiglobalists do not accept this excuse and at the same time they remind politicians that the process itself can be altered or reversed. If anti-globalists are about global justice, much debate concentrates on how to achieve this.
The movement is hesitant to come up with a blueprint for development. It refuses to promote its own straitjacket in opposition to the golden neoliberal one, believing that it is exactly this type of doctrinarian thinking that created the problems in the first place. Even enforced blockade of events and public throughways are seen as violent actions.
Protesters, however, state that blockades are a time-honored technique of civil disobedience. Moreover, the organizations they are protesting against are themselves guilty of crimes. Finally, the motivations and the motives of the organizers of the protests are questioned. It is felt that the key organizers are really communists who aim to start a revolution. The anti-globalization members counter this argument by stating that the power structure of the organization is horizontal.
Moreover, globalization has made violent revolution a distinct possibility, a clear sign that the current system is seriously flawed. It is imperative that the situation has to be dealt with, and the anti-globalization movement is doing this fairly effectively. It was held from 25 January to 30 January , in Porto Alegre, Brazil, and was attended by about 12, people from around the world.
The second WSF held in Porto Alegre from 31 January to 5 February , was attended by over 12, official delegates representing people from countries.
A notable aspect of this forum was cultural diversity. A preparatory meeting at Bhopal in April framed the Bhopal Declaration. The World Social Forum is a world process. All the meetings that are held as part of this process have an international dimension.
The alternatives proposed at the World Social Forum stand in opposition to a process of globalization. It has been felt that the process of globalization is commanded by the large multinational corporations and by the governments and international institutions.
These generally serve the interests of those corporations; this is done with the involvement of national governments.
The principles on which the WSF is based are resigned to ensure that globalization will prevail as a new stage in world history. Government leaders and members of legislatures who accept the commitments of this Charter may be invited to participate in a personal capacity. The World Social Forum is opposed to all totalitarian and reductionist views of economy, development and history and to the use of violence as a means of social control by the state. The World Social Forum brings together and interlinks only organizations and movements of civil society from all the countries in the world, but does not intend to be a body representing world civil society.
On one hand, WSF brings people together to fight for their own sectoral and regionally specific causes. On the other, it also brings people together on a common understanding of the necessity of united and global struggle for change. Its scope has too widened past the realm of economies to involve the domains of cultural, political and social practices and norms.
This powerful shove has been connected with far-reaching cost for economic well-being, political processes and social structures in countries across the world. Many multinational corporations manufacture products in different nations and selling internationally to different nations.
With the constant flow of goods and service help the integration of economies and societies. Although over the past years more emphasis has been given to the construction of grassroots alternatives to capitalist globalization, the movement's largest and most visible mode of organizing remains mass decentralized campaigns of direct action and civil disobedience. This mode of organizing, sometimes under the banner of the Peoples' Global Action network, tries to tie the many disparate causes together into one global struggle.
In many ways the process of organizing matters overall can be more important to activists than the avowed goals or achievements of any component of the movement. At corporate summits, the stated goal of most demonstrations is to stop the proceedings.
Although the demonstrations rarely succeed in more than delaying or inconveniencing the actual summits, this motivates the mobilizations and gives them a visible, short-term purpose. This form of publicity is expensive in police time and the public purse. Rioting has occurred at some protests, for instance in Genoa, Seattle and London — and extensive damage was done to the area, especially targeting corporations, including McDonald's and Starbucks restaurants.
Despite, or perhaps because of, the lack of formal coordinating bodies, the movement manages to successfully organize large protests on a global basis, using information technology to spread information and organize. Protesters organize themselves into " affinity groups ," typically non-hierarchical groups of people who live close together and share a common political goal. Affinity groups will then send representatives to planning meetings.
However, because these groups can be infiltrated by law enforcement intelligence, important plans of the protests are often not made until the last minute. One common tactic of the protests is to split up based on willingness to break the law. This is designed, with varying success, to protect the risk-averse from the physical and legal dangers posed by confrontations with law enforcement.
Many protesters take training in first aid and act as medics to other injured protesters. In the US, some organizations like the National Lawyer's Guild and, to a lesser extent, the American Civil Liberties Union , provide legal witnesses in case of law enforcement confrontation. Protesters often claim that major media outlets do not properly report on them; therefore, some of them created the Independent Media Center , a collective of protesters reporting on the actions as they happen.
Key grassroots organizations[ edit ].Rather than focusing on messianic visions or an already established project, activists focus on day-to-day practices. These killings are against the laws of war. Seen from this perspective, the critiques that are raised against global business and capital for being nontransparent and nondemocratic also apply to the state. To underline the global outreach of the WSF, the fourth edition was organized in Bombay, India movement 70, participants public anti - and that, therefore, there is no essay in the leaders' positions given that these helps are parliamentary democracies. Gill, Stephen. Critics of this type of argument have cover letter classroom assistant position to.
Some activists were also not necessarily against globalization. Some have also criticized the movements claim to be non-violent, as activists and protestors sometimes use violent tactics. This is because they believe that the global financial institutions and agreements undermine local decision-making methods. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Such grassroots forms of political participation are widely seen as an alternative mode of democratic practice. Lived Experience and Process Finally, more grassroots sectors within the anti-globalization movement view social transformation as an ongoing collective process. During the s, journalists and other observers around the world started to identify different local pockets of resistance in which people spoke out against the social, economic, and ecological injustices in the world. Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire.
World Scientific Publishing Co. Moreover, the organizations they are protesting against are themselves guilty of crimes. The writer Arundhati Roy is famous for her anti-nuclear position and her activism against India's massive hydroelectric dam project, sponsored by the World Bank.